[Salon] Qatar and the middle way



Qatar and the middle way

Summary: when Qatar’s emir visits the White House 31 January he and President Biden will have pressing matters to address including LNG exports to Europe as worries mount that Russia's Putin may turn off the gas taps.

With news that Qatar’s Emir Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani will be the first Gulf leader to visit Joe Biden’s White House 31 January there may be envious glances cast his way from the UAE’s de facto leader and Abu Dhabi crown prince Mohammed bin Zayed and the Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman.

While relations with MbZ and the White House are cordial, the same cannot be said for MbS. He remains cold-shouldered by President Biden for his part in the murder of the Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi and other human rights violations including the imprisonment and torture of the women’s rights activist Loujain al-Hathloul (for more on that story listen to our 21 January podcast with Loujain’s sister Lina al-Hathloul.)


The Emir of Qatar Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani meeting then Vice President Biden in February 2015 [photo credit: @VP44]

Still the two leaders will be satisfied that the president’s National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan met with ambassadors from both countries on Monday to jointly condemn Yemen rebel Houthi attacks on “civilian targets in the UAE and Saudi Arabia that have resulted in civilian casualties in both countries.” As the White House statement describing the meeting put it: “The Ambassadors and Mr. Sullivan discussed joint efforts to hold the Houthis accountable.” No mention was made of coalition responses to those attacks that led to the bombing of a migrant detention centre in Houthi-held territory killing at least 70 and the destruction of a communications building in Hudaydah that killed three children playing in the neighbourhood of the building and knocked out the internet in Yemen for four days (see yesterday’s newsletter.)

Emir Tamim and President Biden have plenty to talk about. Top of the list is the proposition that gas-rich Qatar provide LNG to Europe should Vladimir Putin, in his standoff with NATO and the West, attempt to cut gas supplies. The support that Doha gave Biden after the abrupt and dismal American withdrawal from Afghanistan will be acknowledged.  And as the president wrestles with whether to unfreeze US$8 billion of assets to the Taliban, there may be a role for Qatar to play as a useful intermediary in much the same way it provides support and funding to Hamas in Gaza, achieving a modicum of stability while Israel appreciatively looks the other way.

Other agenda items will include promoting MENA security and prosperity and strengthening investment and commercial ties between the two countries. Concluding the statement on the coming visit, White House Press Secretary Jan Psaki fulsomely noted: “The President will also thank Amir Tamim for Qatar’s extraordinary and ongoing effort to ensure the safe transit from Afghanistan of U.S. citizens, lawful permanent residents, and Afghan partners.”

It isn’t much of a stretch to expect that the two leaders will also discuss Iran and the ongoing JCPOA talks in Vienna.  At the very least President Biden will be wise to use his time with Tamim to gauge the mood of the Gulf towards the JCPOA and Iran in the wake of the drone and ballistic missile attacks launched by the Houthis. He may also want to prevail on Qatar to assist in American efforts to help end the now seven year war which has devastated Yemen and its 30 million people.

The emir has a high standing in Washington thanks in large part to the manner in which he conducted Qatar’s side of the Gulf feud that pitted Doha against fellow GCC partners Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain as well as Egypt  - the so-called Quartet. In a fake news campaign launched in Abu Dhabi in 2017, the Qataris were accused of funding and supporting terrorism. A land, air and sea blockade was launched with the initial backing of then President Trump. Not only did Tamim quickly get Trump back onside, he oversaw diplomatic and economic initiatives that swiftly ameliorated the worst impacts of the blockade.  And as Trump pushed for the blockade to end having belatedly realised that the only winner was Iran, Tamim continually took the high road while his enemies did everything they could to bring him down including a risible attempt to set up a 'government in exile' with a disgruntled member of the ruling family. Patient diplomacy earned Doha the accolade of being the adult in the room and saw the eventual end of the dispute in January of last year with all of the Quartet’s original demands firmly rebuffed and Qatar emerging the clear winner (though Tamim was careful to avoid any triumphalism.)

Still Qatar will not want to hitch its wagons too closely to the Biden administration. The Trump presidency with all its bombast, erratic behaviour and transactional ploys did not in the end prove the good fit that MbS and MbZ may have presumed it would be. The failure of America to back the UAE and Saudi Arabia with a military response after attacks on shipping in the Gulf and on Saudi Aramco facilities in 2019 was a jolt and throughout the GCC the prevailing sense is that regardless of who is in the White House America is no longer the guarantor of security it once was. Added to that is the not unlikely possibility that the supremely vindictive Trump may return to the White House in 2025. Best for Qatar to continue to hew to wasatiyyah – the middle way.


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